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B3: Umno dan Sakitnya
By Man Kubur

11/11/2000 7:44 pm Sat

UMNO DAN SAKITNYA

Mengikut tulisan Pak -MT- tempoh hari (Siri YTDT), wajah Mahathir kini memapirkan ada sesuatu gangguan kesihatan bagi mata yang pakar memandang. Tindakkan menghidupkan beberapa projek dan mengambil Putrajaya sebelum berbincang menampakkan ada beberapa urusan yang masih belum selesai yang terpaksa dilangsaikan secepat mungkin. Ada orang yang "sakit" yang diberikan keistimewaan dengan pelbagai "rawatan" oleh "doktor" tua secara tergesa-gesa sebaik sahaja Anwar digugurkan, dan ia berlanjutan sehingga terserahnya berhektar-hektar tanah di Putra Jaya. Sebelum itu abang Ting, abang Vincent, serta Abang Halim diberikan dana untuk bernafas semula. Rakyat pula diberi harga minyak yang lebih tinggi kerana kantong milik diktator sudah tidak mampu menolong lagi..... Begitulah sedikit kisah layanan orang sakit di negara Malaysia, bila seorang doktor yang tua diberikan mandat selepas pilihanraya...

MANDAT DIPERKOSA

Pengambil-alihan Putra Jaya tanpa satu sesi perbincangan dua hala meletakkan status DUN dan hak rakyat sebagai satu institusi yang tidak bermaya. Tindakkan polis dijalan Kebun itu pula menampakkan lagi siapakah yang telah menjadi maharaja. Sultan dan Agung pula tidak sanggup mencemar "beta" untuk melihat darah yang membasahi di jalanraya, sebaliknya mereka dan Khir Toyo serta diktator "tua" tersenyum gembira di majlis PENYERAHAN Putra Jaya. Sahlah mereka semua PEROMPAK warisan dahulu kala yang menyamar dengan pelbagai gelaran dipangkal nama. Dimanakah polis dan dimanakah tentera bila negara dijajah dengan mudahnya?

POLIS DIRAJA SEDANG MENGINTIP NORA?

Ketika perompak bergembira, rakyat rupa-rupanya dilayan lebih teruk daripada kera. Siapa lagi yang melayan mereka jika tidak polis yang telah menjadi "samseng berlesen" yang langsung tidak berperi kemanusiaan.

Sudahlah dimasukkan ke dalam truk, ditembak lagi dengan gas pemedih mata. Sudahlah Pak Din tak nampak, dinafikan nama bahan kimia yang merosakkan mata walau kepada doktornya. Bagaimana pula dengan kisah Norazimah yang ditelanjangkan? Atau reformis yang dinafikan rawatan walaupun darah sudah banyak tersembur hingga mencorak baju mereka. Rawatan dan layanan mesra apakah jika bengkak sana sini sehingga rusuk dada pun patah diserang belantan?

POLIS JAYAKAN PERHIMPUNAN SERATUS RIBU

Peristiwa Jalan Kebun adalah satu kebangkitan rakyat diluar dugaan yang menyebabkan pemimpin umno terdiam. Walaupun Jalan Kebun disitar dari awal, rakyat mencurah datang. Tindakkan polis menutup jalan menyebabkan kesesakkan, sehingga menyukarkan lagi proses penyuraian. Akhirnya yang dibilang seribu itu sudah menjadi lebih 100,000. Polis sendirilah yang menjayakan perhimpunan itu!

Buat pertama kalinya dalam sejarah tanah-air satu perhimpunan rakyat membanjiri jalanraya dengan kereta. Laluan lebihraya itu tiba-tiba menjadi satu lapangan letak kereta yang tidak terduga banyaknya.

SUDAH BERJAYA DIGAGALKAN PULA

Apabila menyedari kesilapan tersebut, polis merasa buntu lalu bertindak di luar dugaan. Lapuran menunjukkan ada dua serangan dilakukan oleh FRU. Serangan pertama gagal kerana tembakkan mereka meninggi dan agak melulu. Tetapi serangan kedua sudah terlampau dan berlebihan kerana ia ditembak terus untuk jatuh keparas muka sehingga beberapa reformis beroleh celaka yang boleh meragut nyawa.

Satu tembakkan terus kepada DSWA dihalang oleh Khairi sehingga beliau jatuh dan rebah terkaku. Jika Khairi tiada disitu DSWA harus tercedera oleh peluru ganas itu. Khairi terpaksa dibawa ke unit rawatan rapi di hospital kerana kelongsong itu mengena tengkorak kepalanya dengan kuat sehingga dia berdarah dan hampir pengsan.

Fenomena ini menyebabkan pemimpin umno terdiam. Tambah diam lagi jika bukti gambar dan video itu tersebar menjelang pilihanraya di Lunas nanti. Malah mereka akan terganggu lagi kerana beberapa puak dalam Umno kini telah timbul semula setelah tenggelam. Rencana Straits Times di bawah ini cuba memerhatikan sedikit riak kuasa di dalam umno yang sudah meragam.

PERALIHAN JEJARAN DALAM KUASA UMNO

Rencana The Singapore Straits Times ini mengisahkan sedikit percaturan politik umno untuk dijadikan bahan kajian. Saya mengulas sedikit sambil memetik beberapa fakta rencana tersebut. Kelemahan dan kekuatan beberapa pihak menjadi fokus rencana tersebut. Yang menarik, Najib menjadi tumpuan terakhir siap dengan wawancara.

MAHATHIR

Dr Mahathir nampaknya tidak mengenal penat untuk mengatur percakapan membaiki umno mungkin dia merasa dia masih seorang doktor pakar lagi walaupun pesakitnya yang "kencing manis" itu sudah lama dirawat sehingga kehilangan satu lutut selepas kaki. Bagi orang umno, Dr Mahathir begitu ikhlas berpenat lelah cuba mendidik mereka walaupun sudah tua. Bagi kita. tindakkan Mahathir yang serius itu menggambarkan gerunya beliau akan kemerosotan pengaruh umno dan beliau sendiri dikalangan akar umbi umno. Tindak-tanduk Mahathir selepas keputusan pemilu yang lalu menyerlahkan beliau sengaja memberi ruang kepada muka baru(a) dan melangkah semua tradisi. Belum pernah MKT "menasihati" supaya tidak dicabar orang nombor satu dan dua. Malah keistimewaan buat Aziz Shamsuddin, Musa Muhammad dan Khir Toyo menyerlahkan ada sesuatu yang membimbangkan diktator itu.

PAK LAH

Semua orang tahu Pak Lah berada di tempat kedua itu sebagai perhiasan sahaja. Pak Lah mendapat perhatian akhbar sejak Anwar digugurkan dan sepatah dua kata dari beliau yang berada di luar negara ketika itu menjadi tajuk besar pula di dalam negara. Nampaknya akhbar itu memang sah suara Mahadir juga.... Pak Lah dilantik menjadi TPM akhirnya.

Oleh kerana kerusi itu diberi "percuma" kekuatan sebenar Pak Lah tidak diketahui. Dia nampak kuat kerana Mahathir meletak tangan kebahunya. Silap haribulan, tangan Mahathir itu mungkin memusnahkan Pak Lah juga.

MUHYIDDIN

Akhir2 ini dikatakan Pak Lah rapat dengan Muhyiddin. Dia juga lebih rapat dengan Rais Yatim. Mungkinkah ahli2 Semangat 46 sengaja timbul sejak kes Royalti ini sudah dapat membaca sesuatu di hadapan?

Ada pihak merasakan Muhyiddin ditolong oleh Pak Lah dengan memilihnya mengetuai jawatankuasa perubahan perlembagaan. Ia dijangka dapat menaikkan imej Muhyiddin, tetapi PM masih tidak yaqin dengan beliau.

NAJIB

Kalau mengikut kiraan undi dan sokongan akar umbi, Najib mungkin lebih menyerlah dan selesa berbanding orang lain. Jaringan politik beliau dikatakan kedua selepas Anwar dulu, dan ia meliputi keseluruh negara termasuk Sabah juga.

Kekuatan ini menyebabkan Kem Pak Lah kurang selesa. Lagipun kem Najib di dokong oleh dua broker kuasa - Ahmad Zahid Hamid dan Jamaluddin Jarjis - dia MP yang banyak pengaruh akar umbi juga.

Mengikut pemerhati, Najib dijangka tidak akan merebut jawatan no 1 bila Mahathir berundur, tetapi dia tidak mungkin membiarkan jawatan no 2.

MAT TAIB

Mat Taib kecundang sejak kes membawa beg yang sarat dengan wang yang tidak dinyatakan di Australia satu waktu dulu. Sebelum itu dia cukup popular walaupun melarikan anak orang untuk berkahwin di Siam. Penyokong Mat Taib berpendapat beliau pandai bergaul dan memainkan peranan serta mudah memeluk atau tersenyum bila membuat kunjungan walaupun dengan orang bawahan. Sokongan akar umbi agak memberangsangkan kerana undi yang diperolehi semasa pemilihan timbalan president tempoh hari memeranjatkan.

STATISTIK

Undi pemilihan timbalan presiden tempoh hari:

Najib: 1,289
Mat Taib: 859
Muhyiddin: 813

Siapakah antara mereka yang menjadi pilihan Mahathir? Jawapannya mungkin ada jika kita melihat fokus pemberitaan dalam akhbar..... di situlah mulut kedua diktator "tua".




Sumber: The Singapore Straits Times
http://straitstimes.asia1.com.sg/

11th November 2000

Shifting alignments in Umno power circles

BY JOCELINE TAN IN KUALA LUMPUR

THE venue is somewhere in Malaysia's spanking new city of Putrajaya, the participants are carefully-picked middle- and upper-tier leaders from the ruling Umno party, and the key speaker is none other than Prime Minister and Umno president Datuk Seri Dr Mahathir Mohamad.

Dr Mahathir has made time for such sessions with the Umno grassroots leadership, meeting at least once a month since the party's elections in May.

The sessions, often held over two days, are supposed to be hush-hush affairs but, because of the frank and often blunt nature of the meetings, they have become talking points in Umno political circles.

They talk about the topics discussed -- corruption among political leaders, Umno's survival, Parti Islam SeMalaysia or PAS' growing strength (somehow, Parti Keadilan Nasional does not scare Umno as much as PAS), and threats to Malay sovereignty, to name a few.

But what seems to fascinate many of them is the key speaker, Dr Mahathir, or rather, the determination, zeal, even passion, with which he speaks and fields questions from the floor for up to eight hours in a day.

A party official who attended one such session a month ago was astonished by the stamina and discipline of the 75-year-old Premier.

Like many other 30-something and middle-ranking Umno leaders, this party official has known no other prime minister but Dr Mahathir throughout his adult life.

The official said: ""I don't know how he does it. He went on from 8.30 am to 10 am, 11 am to 1 pm, and 2.30 pm to 5 pm.

""He knew we were tired because, after lunch, he told us: "How nice to be able to take a nap now. But if I were to go to sleep now, then the rest of the country will also want to do so.'''

Dr Mahathir, more than anyone else, is acutely aware that many in the party hold him responsible for the erosion of Malay electoral support from Umno, following the sacking of former Deputy Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim.

And it probably explains why he seems to be working harder than the rest to win back public opinion, especially Malay public opinion. It has become a sort of mission for him. There is an urgency in his effort because, as he tells his audience openly, he does not have much time left, and he wants to mend the damage while he still can.

This is very likely his last term in office despite his adversaries in the opposition claiming over loudspeakers at political gatherings that ""the Prime Minister wants to die in office''.

Much of Dr Mahathir's time is now spent on party activity. In fact, almost every Umno figure is wont to repeat like a mantra the need for Umno to unite, work hard and to strengthen the party.

But even as Umno leaders are preoccupied with rejuvenating the party, political alignments and re-alignments have been quietly in formation since the party elections.

Much of it is centred around Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, Dr Mahathir's deputy and his third heir apparent.

Datuk Seri Abdullah was confirmed as the party's No 2 -- he was appointed Deputy Prime Minister a year and a half earlier -- without a contest.

The party's supreme council had decided against any contest for the No 1 and No 2 posts on the grounds that it would cause another unwelcome split in the party.

Datuk Seri Abdullah, who hails from a family of Islamic scholars, is a typical Malay gentleman -- soft-spoken, courteous and kind. Under-estimated for many years as somewhat soft and from the old world, he is now beginning to assert himself more authoritatively.

Of late, there has been a growing perception that he has grown close to Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin, one of the three Umno vice-presidents (VPs), so much so that there is speculation that when the time comes for him to pick his own No 2, Tan Sri Muhyiddin will be his likely choice.

Tan Sri Muhyiddin is also a minister and former Johor Mentri Besar.

Datuk Seri Abdullah is actually much closer to another minister, Datuk Dr Rais Yatim, an outstanding member of Dr Mahathir's Cabinet.

Those close to Datuk Seri Abdullah suggest that Datuk Rais would have been his preferred running mate, except that the Umno tradition has been to pick the second top post in the party from among the three VPs (the other two are Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak and Tan Sri Muhammad Muhammad Taib).

Tan Sri Muhyiddin was recently picked to head a committee to review the party's Constitution. Some think that Datuk Seri Abdullah helped get him the high-profile assignment.

And, despite baggage from some controversial land deals during his days as a political warlord in Johor and his close association with Anwar, Tan Sri Muhyiddin is generally acknowledged as a workhorse, be it party work or government duties.

""He's very professional, knows his stuff, and is serious about what he does -- definitely an asset to the party,'' said Mr Mohd Alwi Che Ahmad, an energetic Umno politician from Kelantan.

He is also a good speaker, less prone to rhetorics than the average politician, and is analytical without being too abstract, an advantage because the bedrock of Umno's support is still rural, unsophisticated people.

Nevertheless, it is evident that Tan Sri Muhyiddin does not exactly enjoy the Prime Minister's full confidence.

""He's still not out of rehabilitation, if you ask me. He is depending on Pak Lah (Datuk Seri Abdullah) to upgrade him,'' said another party member.

Where would a potential Abdullah-Muhyiddin team-up leave the other two VPs? And would they accept it without a murmur?

Datuk Seri Najib does not have an aggressive political style. He likes to explore all options before making important decisions or, as he said in an interview, his politics has always been on an ""incremental and step-by-step approach''.

But there is no doubt the party grassroots think he is eminently qualified. He emerged with the most number of votes among the three VPs at the May party elections.

Next year will be Datuk Seri Najib's 25th year in active politics. He was only 23 when he became MP of Pekan, upon the death of his Prime Minister father Tun Razak.

His political and administrative experience is unmatched by any other politician of his age -- he is only 47 -- and includes a myriad of ministries, as well as the Mentri Besar-ship of Pahang.

His supporters say that because of his youth, he is more open to new ideas, to the shifting attitudes among the younger generation, and the changes taking place in Malay society.

But Datuk Seri Najib, said Mr Mohd Alwi, has potential and experience but nci belum ada nasib mtr (meaning, his time has not come).

His political networking is said to be second only to Anwar (when the latter was riding high in the party), and his connections extend throughout the country, including Sabah, unlike other party leaders whose support lie largely in their home state.

It is this strength of his which perhaps makes the Abdullah camp a little uncomfortable. Datuk Seri Abdullah was given deputy presidency without a contest and, because of that, it is difficult to gauge his real political strength on the ground.

Moreover, Datuk Najib has in his camp two of Umno's most effective power brokers -- Datuk Ahmad Zahid Hamid and Datuk Jamaluddin Jarjis -- both of them are MPs with tremendous clout among the Umno grassroots.

In that sense, the remaining VP, Tan Sri Muhammad -- variously known as Mat Taib or Mike Tyson in the party -- might have enjoyed a little more leverage had he been given a Cabinet post.

Despite falling out of favour with the leadership after being caught in Australia with undeclared currency, he remains highly popular among segments of the party.

Among this group, he is seen as someone who can articulate the Malay agenda in a way they can identify with.

But even those who have grown distant from him since he was forced to resign as Mentri Besar say he is one of Umno's most genuine grassroots politicians, that he never turns away those who come to him for help, regardless of whether ""you are somebody big or just a person down there''.

It also helps that he is naturally sociable, with oodles of charisma and charm.

Said one Umno politician: ""We have never been close but, some time ago, I went with some people to his house. When he saw me, he smiled so broadly and then gave me this hug that was so genuine, as though he was really so happy to see me.''

When interviewed, Tan Sri Muhammad said in his usual relaxed way: ""Post or no post, I will always be loyal to the party.''

His supporters -- and they do extend beyond his Selangor homebase -- say it would be premature to dismiss him, given the often unpredictable nature of Umno politics.

They point to the way he won in the VP race against other more weighted candidates in May.

Even if he is no longer a serious contender for anything more than the VP post, he will remain a formidable power broker because of his grassroots influence. In that sense, he will still be courted.

Umno watchers say they do not see Datuk Seri Najib taking on Datuk Seri Abdullah for the No 1 post when Dr Mahathir exits the political stage.

But the Defence Minister, they say, is unlikely to let the No 2 post go without a fight. After all, he has come so far and so near.

In the meantime, the thing to watch would be the individuals and groups that will align or re-align themselves to these key personalities.

Very often, it is the people and groups around the key figures who will determine whether their man should slug it out. They are also a pretty good indication of who is likely to come out victorious.




Najib sees smooth Umno changeover

It has also recovered some support among Malays who had turned to the opposition, says party vice-president

By JOCELINE TAN IN KUALA LUMPUR

MALAYSIA'S ruling Umno party is likely to see a smooth leadership transition, said its vice-president, Datuk Seri Najib Razak, who also ruled out the prospect of a scenario resembling the political upheaval in Indonesia.

Datuk Seri Najib, who is also Defence Minister, told The Straits Times in an interview that political change should be planned and managed, adding that he did not believe people should be ""forced out of power''.

""I believe Dr Mahathir will maintain a smooth transition. He is a responsible politician, with the interests of the country at heart,'' he said of Malaysian Prime Minister Datuk Seri Dr Mahathir Mohamad.

He also revealed that ""there has been some, but not overwhelming'' improvement in Umno's standing among the Malays whose support it lost to the opposition Parti Islam Se-Malaysia and Parti Keadilan Nasional.

""It's not back at the 1995 level but I would say there is hope... We have to sustain our efforts, strategise, execute things and, above all, we must stop bickering in Umno. All in all, we have our work cut out for us.''

Asked if a ""smooth transition'' meant that he accepted the idea of the Umno deputy president, Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, becoming the next president of Umno, he said:

""Seriously, I work very well with Pak Lah. And if we continue to work well and to trust each other, I don't see any problems.

""I believe a lot in the party's elective leadership, that we should try to support each other for the sake of the party. The important thing is not so much who leads but that the party will emerge as a force.''

He said it was unfortunate that Dr Mahathir, who is in his fifth term as PM, had had to shoulder the brunt of attacks from opposition parties.

""The opposition has been quite clever in lumping everything on him. But he is one statesman and politician who dares to speak up and because of that he gets a lot of flak, especially in the Western media,'' he said.

""It does not mean that, without Dr Mahathir, things will be easier. It might be a lot worse, as in the case of Indonesia. We should not fall into this trap which has been clearly laid out by the opposition.''

He also spoke about the political alignments taking place in Umno since the May party election, saying that it had gone through much soul-searching since losing substantial ground to the opposition parties in the general election a year ago.

Datuk Seri Najib was the choice of Umno's grassroots in May when he won the most number of nominations, and votes, in a contest that saw nine candidates -- four ministers, four Mentris Besar and a former Mentri Besar -- vying for the three vice-presidential seats.

These posts are traditionally deemed the stomping ground for the top post, and the significance is even greater now, given that this is widely seen as Dr Mahathir's final term of office.

Datuk Seri Najib, now 47 and in his 24th year of active politics, was returned to a third term as vice-president with 1,289 votes, while his colleagues, Tan Sri Muhammad Muhammad Taib and Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin, took 859 and 813 votes.

The wide margin of victory helped ease the political pressure he had faced since retaining his Pekan parliamentary seat narrowly in last November's general election.




Steering through politics on an even keel

Q&A WITH NAJIB

Q: Where are you heading in Umno?

A: My progression in the party has always been an incremental, step-by-step approach. So, I suppose this might be the case in the future -- I said, might (laughs).

On the other hand, there are pitfalls in politics and one has to tread through it like a minefield sometimes.

Sauk was a minefield -- unexpected but, fortunately, we survived relatively unscathed.

The important thing is, we recovered from it.

Q: Will you become Prime Minister of Malaysia?

A: I hate to answer that question. Carrying that on my shoulder has been a major burden from Day One of being in politics.

But I'm philosophical...everybody is ambitious in politics. I have always tended to be on the cautious side and never over-extended myself.

I always say, let things flow. Whatever is going to happen, let it take its natural course.

Q: What is your level of support in Umno?

A: I'm just stating the facts -- although not everybody likes me, generally, I have the support.

I've maintained the vice-president's post three times in a row and that's over a period of 10 years.

In 1993, my first try, I came in second.

In 1996 and again, this year, I had overwhelming support.

It's a steady, even keel of support, quite balanced and spread over the country.

Q: What do you think of the Malaysian media's treatment of your handling of the Al-Ma'unah arms heist?

A: Generally, it was fair treatment although I did not agree with one or two articles.

It's a collective responsibility.

As the Prime Minister clarified, there is no culture of ministers resigning if something happens in your department, and the something is the fault of someone down the line.

Otherwise, we would have a resignation every week.

Take for example, the SIA crash -- the Singapore minister did not resign.

Unless, of course, you are personally involved in a scandal that calls for it.

Otherwise, it is not the practice to resign.

Q: What do you make of the perception that you are indecisive?

A: Why do people think I am indecisive? I have always been consistent in my support for the leadership.

I like to view myself as somebody on an even keel and I've stood fast on that principle.

In 1987, I came out a bit late (in support of Dr Mahathir against a challenge from Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah for the Umno leadership) and that has been some kind of label stuck on me.

I had friends on both sides at that time.

Q: What were the lessons from your narrow win in Pekan in the last general election?

A: That it's time to change our political culture and ourselves. And that the grassroots want me to go down to the ground.

Q: What is your take on remarks that your wife, Datin Seri Rosmah Majid, tends to be too domineering?

A: People are just not used to politicians having wives with intellect. She has been very, very supportive of me.

She is highly qualified, she has a Master's degree and she speaks her mind.

Some people find that hard to take.

And she's developed very good rapport with people who visit me at home and they get along very well with her.

When they can't get me, they call her.